The confetti is being swept up from the rugs and lawmakers are packing their things after the 2026 Maryland General Assembly session adjourned for the year at midnight Monday night.

Who is holding their head high having secured political or policy victories? And who is licking their wounds?

Walking away happy

In the redistricting war that pitted Senate President Bill Ferguson against Gov. Wes Moore, Ferguson prevailed. Since the fall, he insisted that congressional redistricting was a bad idea and held onto his Democratic caucus against a barrage of pro-redistricting pressure. And while the Baltimore Democrat ended 2025’s session as a villain in the eyes of immigrants’ rights activists for failing to support an end to formal jail agreements with ICE, this year he not only pushed that ban but also the Community Trust Act, which sets parameters for when law enforcement can contact ICE about individuals in custody.

In her first session leading the House, Speaker Joseline Peña-Melnyk reorganized committees and elevated a significant number of delegates to leadership positions. She worked to keep debates civil, and delegates seemed to pick up on her cues — except for a chaotic final few minutes of the session. Peña-Melnyk, a Democrat representing parts of Anne Arundel and Prince George’s counties, supported congressional redistricting and got a new map through her chamber. But she avoided getting embroiled in the tension that emerged between Moore and Ferguson.

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With deep concerns among Marylanders over tactics used by U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement, the immigrants’ rights advocacy group We Are CASA pressed for reforms and notched two big victories. Early in the session, lawmakers passed a ban on formal 287(g) agreements between jails and ICE that the governor quickly signed into law. And on the final day, lawmakers passed another bill further limiting allowable jail-ICE interactions.

Del. Ben Barnes and Sen. Guy Guzzone led the General Assembly’s budgeting committees to the smoothest and fastest budget passage in years. The two Democrats met throughout the session, avoiding disputes that roiled budget negotiations in past years. If they return to their positions next year, they’ll likely face much tougher budget decisions.

Senate President Bill Ferguson talks with House Speaker Joseline Peña-Melnyk before a We are CASA rally outside the Maryland Statehouse before the signing of Senate bill 245 and House bill 444, ending Maryland’s 287(g) program which deputized local law enforcement to act as federal immigration agents.
Senate President Bill Ferguson talks with House Speaker Joseline Peña-Melnyk before a We are CASA rally outside the Maryland Statehouse before the signing of Senate bill 245 and House bill 444 in February. (Jerry Jackson/The Banner)
Sen. Will Smith, left, and Sen. Guy Guzzone listen during Senate proceedings at the Maryland State House on Sine Die in Annapolis, Md. on Monday, April 13, 2026. Any bill not passed by midnight on Sine Die is effectively dead at least until the next legislative session.
Sen. Guy Guzzone, right with Sen. Will Smith during Senate proceedings on Monday. Del. Ben Barnes joined Guzzone to lead the budgeting committees to the smoothest and fastest budget passage in years. (Ulysses Muñoz/The Banner)

Del. Mike Griffith, a Republican representing Harford and Cecil counties, has been an important voice on reforming foster care, bringing his lived experiences as a former foster child to discussions. He’s the chief sponsor of Kanaiyah’s Law. Named for a teenage girl who died by suicide in a Baltimore hotel last fall, the revised bill strengthens the state’s guardianship program and creates a position for a foster care ombudsman. Foster care reform generally was a winner this session too, as two other bills also passed to put more oversight over the troubled program.

Del. Gary Simmons waged a court battle against his Democratic primary opponent, John Dove Jr., who he alleged did not live in the northern Anne Arundel County district they both wanted to represent. After four hearings in two different courts, the state’s top court booted Dove from the ballot Monday. That clears the primary for Simmons, creating a smoother path to reelection in the heavily blue district.

Shark lovers rejoice: Megalodon snatched victory from the jaws of defeat. The House of Delegates had approved naming the prehistoric species as the official state shark, but the Senate hadn’t acted on the bill. So the House tacked the shark onto a different bill naming the Natural History Society of Maryland as the state natural sciences museum — and the Senate agreed, with about two hours to spare.

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Wishing things had gone differently

The seven-member right-wing House Freedom Caucus faces an uphill battle winning influence in a chamber where there are 102 Democrats, many of them quite progressive. Now in their second year as an organized group, they’ve found no more success than last year. They gobbled up time in floor debates, never managing to derail or defeat bills — or even amend legislation.

Maryland hospitals essentially asked the General Assembly for forgiveness for not paying millions of dollars’ worth of taxes from their for-profit self-insurance companies. The Maryland Hospital Association — which is led by a former powerful state senator, Melony Griffith — sought for hospitals to be exempted from a state insurance tax after being caught by a whistleblower. But lawmakers didn’t go along with it, instead ordering up a study of the issue.

Exelon, the energy conglomerate that owns Baltimore Gas and Electric Co. and Potomac Electric Power Co., says this year’s legislative session was always a stepping stone toward bigger and better things. But ask around Annapolis and it’s clear the companies were in Democrats’ crosshairs. Energy affordability was a top concern this session, and Moore, Ferguson and Peña-Melnyk threw their weight behind a bill that will place new guardrails on utilities. Plus, Exelon’s top legislative priority, a bill allowing it to own the sources of power, died with little more than a whimper.

Feeling so-so

Del. Christopher Eric Bouchat listens to testimony during a House Judiciary Committee hearing at the House Office Building in Annapolis, Md., on Wednesday, February 18, 2026.
Del. Christopher Eric Bouchat of Carroll County earned scorn from some Republican colleagues when he mostly stopped doing legislative work early in the session. (Ulysses Muñoz/The Banner)

Moore accomplished most of his modest agenda and closed a budget gap without raising taxes or fees. But the Democratic governor failed to get a new map of congressional districts passed — despite putting considerable political capital behind it — and exits the session with just a 48% approval rating.

Del. Christopher Eric Bouchat of Carroll County earned scorn from some Republican colleagues when he mostly stopped doing legislative work early in the session, and one delegate even sponsored a resolution to expel him. But the resolution was quickly sent off to a committee never to see the light of day, and Bouchat kept his seat and paycheck. And he did get a storm drain safety bill passed. Bouchat isn’t running for reelection in 2026 — but he’s talking about governor in 2030.

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Things are bleak in downtown Baltimore. Property values have plummeted a collective $326 million over the last three years. Local leaders are doing what they can to stop the bleeding, and this year they got a key assist from the legislature. Their latest gambit, a bill enabling city leadership to offer major tax breaks to developers, sailed through the legislature. But only time will tell if that’s enough to kick-start a renaissance in the city’s core business district.

Affordability was the hottest buzzword in the State House this session. A measure to save Marylanders $150 or more on their energy bills was the big win on that front. But that’s a modest savings compared to the cost realities facing everyday people. Other affordability measures that passed, like a bill to encourage the construction of new housing around public transportation, will take longer to evaluate.

Grocers were quick to object when legislative leaders announced early in the session that they would try to ban rapidly changing food prices based on personal data, also known as “dynamic pricing.” Opponents argued that the bill would end up banning consumer loyalty programs. The bill’s supporters said it would do no such thing, and would protect consumers from predatory practices, such as individualized price hikes based on personal data. In the end, the General Assembly passed a significantly narrowed version of the bill that prohibits grocery stores from using personal data to increase prices while exempting loyalty programs.

A group of legislators leave the State House during Sine Die in Annapolis on Monday. (Jessica Gallagher/The Banner)