After a year of wrangling over redistricting, Maryland Democrats have summoned lawmakers to Annapolis to take a critical step toward redrawing the state’s congressional districts.
Rewriting part of the state constitution — subject to voter approval in November — would give Democrats a freer hand in drawing districts in the future, should they choose to do so.
But getting to this point meant some leaders had to give up their goals, at least for now. And it inflamed tensions, tested relationships and perhaps led to the end of one political career.
Here’s how top leaders have handled Maryland’s redistricting drama, and how they’re emerging from the bruising fight.
Gov. Wes Moore

The Democratic governor who cast himself as redistricter-in-chief still hasn’t gotten the map he wanted, which would give Democrats a chance of an 8-0 sweep of the state’s U.S. House seats.
The governor spent significant political capital, only to fall short, even though his backers characterize rewriting the state constitution as a win.
Early on, it was clear a new map would be blocked by a majority of Senate Democrats, who lined up behind Senate President Bill Ferguson. Ferguson questioned the legality and fairness of gerrymandering the state’s one Republican district.
Moore forged ahead anyway, privately lobbying senators and publicly calling on Ferguson to take a vote. He testified in Annapolis and joined U.S. House Democratic Leader Hakeem Jeffries for Capitol Hill photo ops. He even escorted Jeffries around the State House on a fruitless lobbying mission.
Because he didn’t reach his goal in time for the November midterm elections, Moore’s next test will be whether he can convince lawmakers to redistrict for 2028.
Senate President Bill Ferguson

In October, Ferguson opposed Moore’s redistricting push, saying it “presents a reality where the legal risks are too high, the timeline for action is too dangerous, the downside risk to Democrats is catastrophic, and the certainty of our existing map would be undermined.”
Ten months later, Maryland’s congressional map hasn’t changed. While Maryland is taking a preliminary step, there won’t be new districts this year — and that’s because of Ferguson’s steadfast opposition.
Even in the face of pressure from Moore, national Democrats and a spirited primary challenger, Ferguson held his position.
But the position took its toll, as Ferguson may have underestimated how important the issue was to Democrats and how hard he would have to work to win reelection.
Ferguson appears to have maintained the trust of his Senate Democratic caucus, though. He absorbed the backlash, which allowed some members to avoid taking public positions.
House of Delegates Speaker Joseline Peña-Melnyk

House Speaker Joseline Peña-Melnyk deftly navigated the redistricting maze, guiding her chamber to passage of a map in February while mostly sidestepping the acrimony that enveloped Moore and Ferguson. The one exception was Peña-Melnyk and Moore’s joint appearance on national TV after the vote, a media hit that still rankles Ferguson’s team.
Peña-Melnyk executed a near-perfect passage of a new congressional map, with all 99 Democratic delegates present voting for the bill. Though she, like Moore, hasn’t gotten a new map in place, she kept the conversations with Ferguson going, ultimately resulting in the special legislative session.
Sen. Nancy King

King, the Senate majority leader, may have paid the biggest price of all: She lost her primary race to a progressive challenger who campaigned on redistricting.
King said voters she talked to really weren’t concerned about redistricting. It was all about cost of living and resulting anger.
“Anywhere I went, nobody brought it up. They didn’t. They brought up the economy. They’re scared to death about paying their rent and being able to buy groceries,” the Montgomery County Democrat said.
But her primary rival, Amar Mukunda, saw it differently. He faulted King and other Democratic leaders for failing to act.
“The Democratic establishment in Maryland’s state Senate does not have the courage to fight back,” Mukunda wrote in a campaign post.
King will have a few last moments of power in the Senate during the special session. In January, Mukunda will be sworn into the seat.
National Democrats

The national Democratic Party will not get what it wanted — an 8-0 Democratic House map — ahead of the November election.
What it is getting isn’t enough to make a difference in the 2026 midterms.
Despite the failed public arm-twisting of Ferguson, House Democratic Leader Hakeem Jeffries appears ready to move on.
Jeffries recognized Maryland’s special session as a step forward and thanked state leaders in a statement for aggressively pushing back against “the nationwide MAGA power grab.”
“Together, Democrats will make sure that it’s the American people who decide the future direction of this nation, not Donald Trump and his corrupt sycophants,” Jeffries said.
General Assembly Republicans

Republicans frustrated with their lack of power in Annapolis have lashed out ahead of the special session — and for good reason. The point of the Democrats’ redistricting effort is to eliminate the state’s only Republican congressional district.
Maryland’s majority party already controls the legislative chessboard, the federal delegation and state elected officials. Swiping the GOP’s one seat in the House could make Democrats look like the Grinch.
State GOP Chair Nicole Beus Harris urged Republicans in a Friday newsletter to fight back and “flood the committee’s inboxes with conservative voices.”
“If this bill gets through, Democrats will be in a position to shut Republicans out of our Congressional delegation completely,” Beus Harris said.
U.S. Rep. Andy Harris

Harris, Maryland’s only Republican representative to the U.S. House, said during a July podcast that he isn’t going down without a fight and that a court challenge is likely.
“We’ll litigate it all the way,” Harris said when “Fly Out Day” hosts asked him about Maryland’s forthcoming special session.
Harris laid out arguments for a potential legal challenge to the ballot language should it appear unclear to voters. He also said redrawing lines based on political speech could limit voters’ rights.
“What you’re doing is you’re saying: If you’re going to vote Republican we’re going to bias against you. We’re going to make sure you don’t have a representative.”
The chair of the House Freedom Caucus sounded unfettered should he have to campaign within new district lines.
Harris is favored to win another term in Congress this fall, giving Maryland someone with the ability to speak with the president directly.
Democratic members of Congress
Should state Democrats realize their ultimate goal, the district lines of at least three U.S. House members could shift. New maps could siphon off Democratic voters and add Republican precincts to the districts of Reps. Kweisi Mfume, Sarah Elfreth and Johnny Olszewski Jr.
That means the three Democrats who have won by wide margins may face tougher races in the future.
While none of them has a say in the state-level decision, they’re watching closely.
Elfreth, who could wind up in a new district with Harris, said she backs the General Assembly’s decision to address the constitutional changes and allow voters to weigh in.
She said she’s ready to “run in, win in, and serve where the voters of Maryland ask me to.”
Olszewski said he’ll continue to press for national redistricting reform but understands the moment requires action.
“Unfortunately, President Trump has ignited this redistricting race to the bottom, and now Maryland has to respond.”
Maryland voters

Maryland voters will have their say in November. Democrats’ action this week will put a question on the ballot asking whether voters want to amend the state constitution to ease gerrymandering.
Should voters approve the change — and history indicates that’s likely — lawmakers probably will wrestle again with whether to redraw the congressional map during the next regular assembly session, beginning in January.
Banner reporter Lee O. Sanderlin contributed to this story.


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