Baltimore County’s first test of public financing in elections gets mixed reviews

Baltimore County had never elected a Black woman to the council when Makeda Scott launched a campaign for the new District 3.

One reason Scott believed in her chances to win was the county’s new public financing system. Approved by a voter referendum in 2020, the program gives matching taxpayer funds to campaigns that forgo donations from businesses, political action committees and unions, and cap individual contributions at $250.

“It looked like something that would help non-traditional candidates such as myself,” said Scott, a former school board chair. “I did not have a war chest. I did not have a team behind me. I did not have a large backing.”

Maryland has offered public financing in gubernatorial elections for decades. County governments have adopted their own systems in recent years, a response to U.S. Supreme Court rulings that expanded the influence of money in politics — including a decision on June 30 that loosened spending restrictions on political parties. Each of the state’s five largest counties, plus Baltimore City, now offers a program.

The June 23 primary marked the first test of public financing in Baltimore County. County executive candidate Pat Young and five Democratic council candidates qualified, receiving a combined $401,269 in taxpayer money. With some votes left to be counted, at least three publicly financed candidates have won their primaries.

One of them was Scott. She said public financing allowed her to send three rounds of mailers and reach a broader swath of voters.

But even those who won with public financing said the county’s version needs changes.

Under a law passed in 2021, council candidates have to raise $15,000 from 150 small-dollar donors to receive public funds. That’s one of the highest benchmarks in the state. Howard County requires $10,000 in fundraising, while Anne Arundel County requires $7,500.

Some said Baltimore County’s fundraising thresholds are too steep, making it hard to qualify and shutting out people who wanted to participate.

The council adopted those higher thresholds through an amendment to the 2021 bill, offering little explanation for the change. In doing so, it went against the recommendations of a bipartisan task force created to guide the county’s implementation of public financing.

“They chose to increase that number instead of mirroring something like Howard County or Anne Arundel,” said Joanne Antoine, executive director of the fair election group Common Cause Maryland and a task force member. “It’s like they were trying to do everything they could to discourage candidates from using it.”

Scott, whose average donation was $62, said meeting those benchmarks was challenging in her northwest district, where many voters had been affected by federal layoffs.

“I felt it was set up for me really not to succeed,” Scott said of the county’s program.

County executive candidates struggle

Public financing allowed Young to distinguish himself in a crowded field for county executive. His fundraising became a central theme of his campaign. In a county where developers and business owners are often seen as wielding outsize influence, Young ran on a message that he was beholden only to voters.

It didn’t translate at the polls. Young’s traditionally funded primary opponents raised millions and drowned him out on television. Unofficial results showed the Catonsville councilman was on track to finish fourth of five Democratic candidates.

Young said he was proud to be the first publicly financed candidate to seek the county’s highest office.

“My head’s held high,” Young said. “I think we have shown that public financing is possible and should be looked at by future candidates as a viable option for running for office.”

County executive candidates have to raise $50,000 from 550 donors to qualify for public funds. In Montgomery and Prince George’s counties, two wealthier jurisdictions with bigger populations, the threshold is lower — $40,000 from 500 donors.

Even for someone like Young, who built a donor network during eight years as a state delegate and four as a councilman, reaching the benchmarks took several months and outreach to thousands of voters. He ultimately raised enough for $196,000 in matching public funds, well short of the $750,000 maximum public contribution for county executive candidates.

Mansoor Shams, a progressive Democrat who joined the race in late January, also tried for public financing. He fell short of qualifying, raising $33,162.

“It makes one wonder whether the system was truly structured to make it easier for people like myself — newcomers, less established names and candidates — to compete," he said.

Taking on deep pockets

Some candidates for Baltimore County Council opted for public financing against well funded opponents.

In District 1, which includes Catonsville, community advocate Paul Dongarra ran a publicly financed campaign against Mandy Remmell, who was backed by Gov. Wes Moore, local party leaders and large donations from developers.

An aggressive grassroots campaign, coupled with public money, helped Dongarra narrowly outraise Remmell and win the Democratic primary. The taxpayer funds, he said, helped pay for a seven-week digital advertising campaign, a get-out-the-vote texting operation and 10 mailers.

Dongarra agreed that it’s onerous to qualify for public financing. He argued that’s a good thing.

“Funds are limited and we have fiscal difficulties, so it’s not as though we can keep throwing money at this,” he said. “We have to make sure the people that qualify for public financing are electable and viable.”

In District 5, which spans rural north county, Democrat Shawn McIntosh didn’t face a primary opponent but qualified to receive public funds for her general election race against incumbent Republican Nino Mangione, a member of a prominent developer family. In a fundraising email sent last week, Mangione criticized McIntosh for funding her campaign with taxpayer dollars.

McIntosh said she was advised against using public financing in her race. While Mangione has already raised $485,034, McIntosh can only receive up to $80,000 in matching public funds to supplement her small-dollar donations.

“For me, it really was a moral obligation,” McIntosh said. “I think what’s wrong with politics today is corporate and special interest influence.”

At least three other council candidates set up public financing committees but either dropped out of the program or did not raise enough to qualify for public funds, state records show.

One of them was Sharonda Dillard-Huffman, who still won the Democratic primary in District 8. Another was Democrat Arkia Wade, who is narrowly leading her primary in District 9. Both are Black women who could join Scott on the November ballot with a chance to make history.

Dillard-Huffman said the county’s public financing program is falling short of one of its main goals: creating a level playing field for minority and non-traditional candidates.

“It was set up for people who already had an established donor base,” Dillard-Huffman said. “For first-time candidates, the odds were stacked against us.”